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Dialogue on the Life of St John Chrysostom

Palladius, tr. Moore, 1921

8. First Expulsion of Chrysostom

The Monks’ Appeal to Eudoxia and its Result

John received the letter, but kept it to himself, and discussed measures for peace with the ascetics of both parties. Both were exasperated at what he said to them; the exiles, because they had been tyrannically treated, the others, because they had no power to make peace without Theophilus, as it was at his orders that they had presented the falsely incriminating petitions. This done, John dismissed the matter from his mind, as he considered them to be answered.

Hereupon the monks of the aggrieved party withdrew, and compiled a lengthy petition, formally charging the other monks with libel, and Theophilus —well, to tell the truth, with everything that any one of them knew him to have done. They appealed to their majesties, approaching the queen in the shrine of the holy John, with the petition that the case of the disputant monks might be investigated before the prefects, and that Theophilus, however much against his will, might appear to stand his trial before John. The petition was made, and the answer was, that Theophilus should be summoned by the magistrate to appear, whether willing or unwilling, and take his trial before John; and that Theophilus’ monks should substantiate the charges preferred against the aged saints or pay the penalty of false accusation.

Theophilus Summoned to Constantinople

So Captain 1 (retired) Elaphius was sent to Alexandria to bring Theophilus, while the justices carried out the rest of the Empress’ answer. The investigation was held, and an indecisive result obtained; but as they were still threatened with the glittering sword of the law, the poor wretches took fright at the possible issue, and got the matter adjourned until Theophilus’ arrival, on the ground that he had suborned, them, and had dictated the petitions. So the officials put them in prison, until Theophilus should arrive, bail being refused under the circumstances of the case. Some of them lingered in prison until they died, owing to the slow movements of Theophilus; 2 others, subsequently to his arrival, when he hurried forward the matter by means of bribes, were at the final inquiry sentenced to transportation to Proconnesus for malicious accusation.

Theophilus’ Arrival

So Theophilus arrived at Constantinople, like a beetle loaded with the dung of the best that Egypt, or India itself, produces,3 emitting sweet scent to cover his stinking jealousy; he entered the city at mid-day on the fifth day of the week, cheered by a mob of sailors.4 Such was the palm of dishonourable glory which he had to bear—the glory of which the apostle said long ago, “Whose glory is in their shame,” and added, “who mind earthly things.” 5 He took up his quarters in the tents of the unrighteous, and avoided the Church, forgetful of David’s verse, “I had rather be cast away in the house of my God, than to dwell in tents of sinners.” 6 It was his own conscience that shut him out from the Church.

Theophilus’ Machinations

In the course of three whole weeks he never held any conversation with John,7 such as is customary among bishops, and never went near the church, but linked his new hostility with the old, and spent night and day in his efforts to expel Bishop John not only from the Church, but even from life itself. He lavished money in purchasing the support of the superstitious 8 spirits among the authorities against the truth, made the greedy ones his slaves by the abundance of his table, and further, by flattery and promises of promotion, won over his fellow-impostors among the clergy. When he had put all these in bonds—of pleasure, not of rope—like some seducing demon, and bewitched the discerning faculties of their souls, he looked about for some demoniacal person to be his understudy in the play, and succeeded in finding what he wanted.

The Memorials of the Renegade Deacons

There were two deacons, who had been expelled from the Church by Bishop John for criminal offences. He availed himself of their frailty, and persuaded them to present memorials against John, promising to restore them to their office. Their offences were murder and fornication respectively.9 He fulfilled his promise; for after the banishment of John he restored them to their places, obviously because they had presented the memorials which Theophilus himself dictated. They contained not a word of truth, except the one point, that he advised every one, after communion, to take a little water, or a pastille, for fear that they might involuntarily spit out a portion of the elements 10 with the saliva or phlegm. He first adopted the practice himself, to teach reverent care to those who would learn.

The Conclave at Eugraphia’s House

On receiving the memorials, Theophilus held a meeting at the house of Eugraphia; at which were present Severianus, Antiochus, Acacius, and every one else who had a grudge against John for his seemly exhortations. For the blessed bishop, like St. Paul, made a practice in his teaching, “both publicly and from house to house,” 11 of urging dignified behaviour; he was especially severe with women like Eugraphia. “At your age,” he would say, “when you are really old women, and widows into the bargain, why do you force your bodies to become young again, wearing curls on your foreheads like the women of the street, bringing every other lady into disrepute, and giving people generally a false impression?”

The Hostile Synod Meets

So they held a gathering,12 and took steps to bring a suit against John. One of them suggested that they should present petitions to the king, and insist upon his appearing before the synod, however unwilling. This was the course adopted; as with the Jews, so with them, money made everything easy.13

Chrysostom’s Forebodings

We were seated,14 a company of forty bishops, in the refectory at the bishop’s house, with Bishop John, marvelling that a man who had been put on his trial, and ordered to appear at the capital on disgraceful charges, had arrived with such a numerous following of bishops, and that he had suddenly brought about such a change in the minds of the authorities, and perverted the majority of the clergy. While we could see no answer to the question, John was inspired by the Spirit, and said to us all: “Pray for me, brethren, and, if ye love Christ, let none desert the Church of which he is in charge on my account; for like the writer of the words, ‘I am already being offered, and the time of my departure is at hand.’ 15 And I shall endure much persecution, and depart from this life, I see. For I know the cunning of Satan; he can no longer bear the annoyance of my invectives against him. The Lord have mercy upon you.16 Remember me in your prayers.”

Words of Consolation

So profound was our distress, that some of us began to cry, others left the gathering with tears, and broken hearts. We kissed his eyes, and his sanctified head, and his facile and blessed lips. But he bade us, as we were flying hither and thither, like bees buzzing round a hive, to come back to the gathering, and said: “Be seated, brethren, and do not weep, to give me greater pain. For to me ‘to live is Christ, and to die is gain.’ 17 It was often said, that I should lose my head for being too outspoken. I think you will remember, if you look into your memories, that I always used to say to you, This present life is a journey, and its joys and sorrows are ever passing away. What is before our eyes is but a fair; we finish our buying and selling, and we move elsewhere. Are we better than the patriarchs, the prophets, the apostles, that this state of life should abide with us for ever? ”

Then one of the company sobbed aloud, saying, “Nay, we lament our orphaned condition, the widowhood 18 of the Church, the confounding of ordinances, the ambition of those who do not fear the Lord, and leap upon high offices in the Church, the defenceless state of the poor, the famine of teaching.” The Christ-loving bishop tapped the palm of his left hand with the forefinger of his right, a familiar gesture when he was in deep thought, and said to the speaker: “Say no more, brother, only remember what I said; do not desert your Churches. The teaching office did not begin with me, nor did it come to an end in me. Did not Moses die, and was not Joshua found? Did not Samuel end his days, and was not David anointed? Jeremiah departed this life, but was there not Baruch? Elijah was taken up, but did not Elisha take his place as prophet? Paul was beheaded, but did he not leave behind him Timothy, Titus, Apollos, and countless others?”

Eulysius, Bishop of Apameia in Bithynia, was the next to speak. “It is inevitable,” he said, “if we keep our Churches, that we shall be forced to communicate with them and to sign (your sentence of condemnation).” Said the holy John, “Communicate with them, lest you rend the Church; but do not sign. For my conscience is clear of any thought deserving my deposition.”

The Summons from the Council of The Oak

At this moment, messengers from Theophilus were announced. John ordered that they should be admitted; and on their entry, asked to what order they belonged. “We are bishops,” they replied. He requested them to be seated, and to state their business. “We only have a letter,” they said, “to be read aloud; cause it to be so read.” John directed that it should be read, and they ordered Theophilus’ young servant 19 to read the communication, which he did. The substance was as follows: “The holy synod assembled at The Oak” (that was the name of the place where they had met—in the suburb of Rufinus,20 on the other side of the sea), “to John” (they omitted his proper title of bishop; the darkened soul never does see things as they are, but imagines what its evil desires dictate). “We have received certain memorials, containing countless grave charges against you; appear, therefore, bringing with you the priests Serapion and Tigrius; for they are needed.” The two bishops who came to John were Dioscorus and Paulus, young men who had recently been consecrated in Libya.

The Answer of Chrysostom’s Friends

When the document had been read, John’s fellow-bishops replied with a statement drawn up by three bishops, Luppicianus, Demetrius, and Eulysius, and two priests, Germanus and Severus, all of them saintly and honourable men. “Overthrow not the estate of the Church, and rend not the Church, for whose sake God from above entered into flesh. As it appears that by your disorderly action you are overthrowing the canons of the 318 bishops at Nicaea, and are trying a case beyond your boundaries, do you cross over to us, that we may first hear what you have to say, in this city where good laws prevail, and do not be like Cain, when he invited Abel to come into the field.21 For we have memorials against you, under seventy counts, alleging palpably criminous actions. Moreover, we, assembled by the grace of God, not for the overthrow of the Church, but in peace, are more in number than your synod. For you number thirty-six, from one province; 22 while we are forty, from various provinces, and among us are seven metropolitans. It is only reason that the smaller body should be judged according to the canons by the larger and the more honourable. Besides this, we hold your letter, in which you press upon our brother-minister John, that he ought not to accept cases from beyond his boundaries. Wherefore do you, in obedience to the laws of the Church, urge your accusers either to desist from their accusations against you, or from their approaches to John.” 23

Chrysostom’s own Answer

John was distressed at this answer, and said to his bishops, “Write what seems good to you; I feel bound to make a statement for myself in answer to the allegations.” So he sent the following reply to Theophilus and his party: “I hereby declare that if any man has aught to say against me, up to this moment I do not know what it is; but if any one has spoken against me, and you wish me to appear before you, put out of your assemblage my open enemies, who are filled with malice towards me because they think themselves slighted. Further, I raise no question as to the venue of my trial, though the fittest place would be the city. Those to whom I object as judges are Theophilus, whom I call to account for having said both at Alexandria and in Lycia, ‘I go to the court 24 to depose John.’ I know this to be true, because when he arrived, he did not have any intercourse with me, or communicate with me. If then he behaved as an enemy before the hearing, what would he do after the trial? Similarly, I charge Acacius with saying, ‘I am seasoning a pot for him.’ As for Severianus and Antiochus, whom the divine sentence will soon overtake, what need to speak of them, when even the secular theatres make songs upon their revolutionary doings? I beg you therefore, if you really desire me to appear, in regard to these four; if they are entered as judges, remove them from the panel; if as accusers, put them into the witness-box, that I may know how to prepare to meet them—whether as opponents or as judges. Then I will appear at all costs, not only before your love, but before any synod in the world. Now, then, I give you notice, that however often you write to me, you will hear no more from me.”

The Emperor’s Summons to Trial

So the envoys withdrew, and a notary immediately arrived, bearing a letter from the king, enclosing the petition (of Theophilus’ synod) that John should come up for judgment whether he would or no, and bade him hasten to the trial. When the notary had received his answer, two of John’s priests appeared; one Eugenius, who was given the bishopric of Heracleia 25 in payment for the part he had played in the plot against Bishop John, and Isaac, the monk under rule of silence—not to call him anything else. These said, “The synod sends you this message; come over to us, and defend yourself against the charges.’”

Chrysostom Refuses to Appear

To this John answered, through other bishops, “How can you judge me with any show of order, when you have not put forth from among you my enemies, and when you send my own clergy to summon me?”

They seized the bishops, and beat one, and stripped another of his robes, and put round the neck of a third the chains which they had in readiness for the saint, intending so to put him on shipboard, and carry him off to some unknown place; the devil had made them as savage as lions. The holy bishop, aware of their shameful intention, took no steps to meet it; but these worthy gentlemen compiled some paltry dockets, more frail than spider’s web,26 for the sake of form, making representations against the blessed bishop, whose face they had never seen and whose voice they had never heard, and in a single day consummated the villainy which they had long been forging. For the onslaught of the devil none can restrain; it waits not for reflection.

Chrysostom Guilty of Lèse Majesté

So they sent an address to the king setting forth that: “Whereas John is accused of various offences, and in consciousness of his guilt has refused to appear,27 he is by the laws degraded from his bishopric, and this has been done. The memorials include a charge of treason.28 Your piety, therefore, will command, that whether he will or no, he be expelled from his office, and pay the penalty for his treason, as we have no powers to inquire into this charge.”

You thrice miserable wretches, what thoughts are these? What deeds? They should fill you with shame, if you have any fear or reverence for men, much more any for God. The treason consisted in offensive language against the queen, whom, as they alleged, he had called Jezebel.29 So this was the allegation of these wonderful people, longing to see John killed with the sword; but God brought to light the malice lurking within them, and softened the hearts of the magistrates, as with Daniel at Babylon. For there, the lions turned gentle, and spared Daniel, while the men turned savage, and did not spare the prophet; but God vanquished the unnatural savagery of man, by the unnatural gentleness of the savage beasts.

Notes

  1. “Princeps” is properly captain of the second line of soldiers in a legion.
  2. In the interval Theophilus held a synod, which condemned Origenism; and wrote to Epiphanius, the aged and highly respected Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, who with Jerome had taken the lead in the antagonism to Origen’s views. Theophilus had called him an “anthropomorphist,” because he insisted on the literal interpretation of scripture, including the passages which speak of God in terms borrowed from human nature. Now he declared that he saw the error of his ways, and invited Epiphanius to join him in a crusade against Origenism. Epiphanius called a synod which anathematized it as heretical, and sent the resolution to Chrysostom, who in all innocence ignored it. The question did not interest him, and he saw no reason why it should be raised; as his own commentaries show, he had no leanings towards Origen’s “mystical” interpretations. Epiphanius proceeded to Constantinople, where Chrysostom treated him with great courtesy, though he broke Church order by ordaining a deacon, but refused his demand to expel the monks, and condemn Origenism, as these matters were awaiting synodical decision. However, he laid the matter before a gathering of bishops in Constantinople, which declined to confirm the resolution. The Empress severely snubbed Epiphanius, and Ammonius compelled him to admit that he had not read any of his (Ammonius’) writings; at last he saw that he was simply being used as a catspaw, and departed for Cyprus, saying, “I leave to you the city, the court, and the hypocrisy.” Theophilus meanwhile journeyed slowly through Asia Minor, collecting his partisans among the bishops.
  3. Gifts brought to win favours.
  4. From the Egyptian corn-ships, for whose arrival Theophilus delayed his entry.
  5. Phil. iii. 19.
  6. Ps. lxxxiv. 10.
  7. Cf. p. 11.
  8. Warning them of divine punishment due to Origenism.
  9. P. 12, 11.
  10. “The symbol” (p. 57). See p. 120, n.
  11. Acts xx. 20.
  12. Palladius passes without explanation from the private and informal discussion at Eugraphia’s house, to the so-called “Synod of The Oak,” in which, of course, only bishops took part. He declines to call it a synod. Theophilus summoned the Nitrian monks to it, and required them to express their penitence, and “as is customary with monks, even if they are wronged, they said, ‘Pardon.’” Socrates thinks this would not have happened, had not Ammonius and Dioscorus now been dead (p. 147; Theophilus shed tears over the news). Henceforth the question of Origenism, having served its purpose, was dropped.
  13. Photius gives an account of this assemblage. Paul, Bishop of Heracleia (p. 14, n.) presided as Metropolitan; John the deacon, evidently the man mentioned above, brought forward twenty-nine charges, the first of which was, that Chrysostom had deposed him from the diaconate for flogging his own slave (or son). Others were, that he had sold Church property, including marble from the Church of the Resurrection, that he had plotted against Severianus, entered and left the church without a prayer, ordained four bishops at once, ordained Serapion presbyter, hit a man in the face, eaten immoderately alone, living the life of a Cyclops, occupied the bath by himself, while Serapion kept the door, robed and unrobed in the episcopal throne, and eaten a pastille. Subsequently Isaac the monk (p. 48) brought forward eighteen other charges, such as that he had favoured Origenists, used strange expressions in his sermons, insulted the clergy, ordained slaves as bishops, and imposed fines upon Isaac himself.
  14. It is impossible to doubt that we have here the account of an eye-witness. Palladius was in Constantinople at the time, and was in some way involved in one of the charges,
  15. 2 Tim. iv. 6.
  16. i.e. “Good-bye.”
  17. Phil. i. 21.
  18. Cf. p. 13.
  19. Cf. p. 38, n. Possibly this attendant was Theophilus’ nephew, Cyril, afterwards Bishop of Alexandria.
  20. “ A suburb of Chalcedon, called after the name of Rufinus the consul, where was a palace, and a church built by Rufinus in honour of Peter and Paul the Apostles” (Socrates).
  21. The LXX of Gen. iv. 8, reads, “Cain said to Abel his brother, Let us go forth into the field.”
  22. This was not strictly the case, as some of them were from Asia.
  23. The text is uncertain. George omits “your” and “against you.” “Bid the accusers cease from their accusation, and their attack upon John.”
  24. “Comitatus”; “the place where the Comes is, or the Emperor” (Balsamon).
  25. In place of Serapion, who was ejected.
  26. In “a sermon before he went into exile” he calls those sent to arrest him “spiders sent by a spider.”
  27. “When, after being four times summoned, he appealed to an oecumenical council, bringing no further charge against him, but that he had been summoned, and refused to obey, they degraded him” (Soz. viii. 17).
  28. Lèse Majesté. Just after Epiphanius’ departure, Chrysostom “preached a sermon reproving women in general terms; which was generally interpreted as directed against the Empress” (Sozomen). Our other sources agree in stating that he had rebuked her for following Eutropius’ example in seizing property, especially the vineyard of the widow of one Theognostus. George asserts that he gave orders for her to be excluded from the Church for so doing. Hence her sudden change of attitude towards him. Palladius, no doubt, had his reasons for not saying more on the subject of Eudoxia’s actions; it would have been too dangerous; cf. p. 78, n.
  29. Another sermon “before he went into exile” contains an allusion to Jezebel; it is almost certainly spurious, probably the work of his enemies. But Theodore implies that he had used Naboth’s vineyard “as a parable” in pleading for the widow. He tells us, with a certain amount of verisimilitude, that the Emperor, on Acacius’ application, appointed Aquilinus the Quaestor to investigate the charges against the monks, and was satisfied with their answers; Chrysostom was also summoned to appear in reference to his alleged insults to the Empress, but refused to make any defence.

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