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Homilies
St Photius the Great, tr. Mango, 1958
18. The Arian Heresy
XV
Of the Same Photius, Archbishop of Constantinople, Homily from the Ambo of the Great Church1
The end of the foregoing sermon, if you recall, related how Arius was deposed and expelled from the Church, how he acted shamelessly, invented fictions, simulated piety, and afterwards ended his life by a most disgraceful death, and Christ’s people breathed again after those many evils and snares. Seest thou the power of prayer? Seest thou the prelate’s outspokenness? “Lord, if Arius is admitted into the Church, then remove me from life; but if Thou sufferest me yet to remain in this tabernacle, then keep the gates of the Church inaccessible to Arius.” Thus prayed Alexander,2 and the spear against Arius was being forged by heavenly decree. Christ’s servant was stretching out his arms to the One blasphemed, while the enemy was paying the penalty for his licentious tongue, by suffering the emptying out of his miserable entrails and bowels through his belly. He, therefore, having imitated the manner of Judas, underwent also a death similar to the latter’s, as told in the Acts, for, falling headlong, he burst asunder in the midst, and all his bowels gushed out;3 while the state of the Church remained untroubled for some time.
Perchance it will occur to some of you to ask why Arius was deposed by the holy martyr Peter,4 but was received by his successor, the admirable Achillas,5 and resumed the rank of deacon, and was not only absolved from his deposition by the wondrous Alexander,6 but even promoted to the position of presbyter. Why is it, that having been previously deposed, he was accepted, but later, although he offered a tome of repentance,7 he remained unaccepted, neither Alexander of Constantinople, nor Alexander of Alexandria (for both, just as their zeal for piety was the same, so had they one and the same name) by any means allowing, as I have said previously, his reception into the Church? It is clear that both measures were wise, just and holy: for to have rejected a person who had erred once and repented would have been altogether inhuman, would have appeared harsh to excess, and would have been equivalent to annulling and excluding the conversion and repentance of sinners, which is the only way to salvation left to those who have erred; whilst to accept a person, who, not once, nor twice had abjured piety, but many times had thus easily gambled it away like a player, and was again simulating piety, would have been to disdain piety, and to establish no distinction between being impious and being pious. For those who account changing positions for so little prove that they consider neither belief to be right. For this reason, therefore, the law of pardon8 gladly received Arius when he abandoned his former error, but when he had drifted many times into the same folly, even though he simulated a recantation by a tract of repentance, the Church, foreseeing his deceitful and sly character, and providing in advance that piety should not be held in contempt, did not consent in any wise to open him the gates of mercy, which he had wretchedly shut in his own face. This attitude also our contemporary, the fitly-named Nicephorus,9 has imitated with divine wisdom: for, as the blessed Alexander received Arius, so the great Nicephorus received John10 (who was awarded this throne as a prize for his impiety), a pious person at first (for he too had been a worshipper of the venerable images, and actually exercised the art of the painter as his life’s profession), but who later, because of times and change of circumstances, had stepped over to impiety, and fallen sick, and had offered a tract of repentance. But when he went astray again and aspired to be proclaimed the leader of a heresy, just as neither the blessed Alexander nor God’s Church shed a single drop of mercy on Arius, feigning repentance, so also the wondrous Nicephorus with a prophetic eye barred the entrance into the Church to John and the fellow-leaders of his heresy who had done similar violence to the faith, asserting that, even if they should assume the mask of repentance, their conversion would be unacceptable both to God and to the Church.
But to what extent the heresies of image-breakers and Arian madmen resemble one another, will be expounded, with God’s help, in proper time.11 As for me, having related to you the First Council, and being about to unfold the Second, I shall try to introduce in between what befell the churches in this interval by the effort and contriving of Arius’ companions, since these events yield much edification of their own, no less so than the story of the Councils, and besides the continuity will thus make clearer the comprehension of what I am going to say.
So Eusebius of Nicomedia,12 as we have said previously, and his companions, having concealed their heresy because of their desire for their own sees and their love of a bishopric, and having at first signed their names to the Council, but, on being again detected in their impiety, and having perverted the pious statements they had signed into impious notions, and spread among their fellows in impiety the monstrous tale that they had not followed the Council, but that they had pulled the Council over to themselves, offered again tomes of repentance in order to be granted pardon for having peddled away their orthodoxy, and wrongly resumed possession of the churches whereof they had been rightly deprived.13 Thereafter, as they were eager to stir up again the heresy of Arius, but the time was not propitious (for Constantine the Great was still living, and, as he held the sceptre of royalty, made great provision for the peace of the Churches), these evil men found another course, whereby they hoped to hide the fact that they were reviving their war against piety, and to make their purpose progress according to their wishes. And what course was that? They determined to shift their plot against the faith on to the defenders of the faith, and when the latter would be out of the way, they hoped to bring about easily thereafter the destruction of piety as well. Wherefore they assailed with libel the successor of Alexander, who had survived the Council by six months,14 Athanasius (for they knew him from his outspokenness at Nicaea to be a warm champion of truth),15 on the pretext, amongst other things, that he had occupied his see by violence and blows, and not by vote and decision of the bishops. He, however, having by his lofty carriage utterly overturned their calumnies on to his slanderers’ heads, continued to tend well his own flock.16
Having for the present failed in this purpose, and unable to contain themselves and hold their peace, they spit out the poison of their tongues and direct their rage against the great Eustathius of Antioch;17 for he too had manfully and courageously championed the dogmas of piety at the holy Council of Nicaea. Pretending to be desirous of going to Jerusalem (for already the splendid church which Constantine the Great built on the life-giving tomb of Christ,18 our God, after dislodging from that spot the pagan shrines, was nearing completion), Eusebius of Nicomedia, taking this pretext and bringing along his fellow-heretics, hastened to the murder of Eustathius. Having bribed a certain prostitute who made traffic of her youth, they instructed her to hold a baby in her arms and cry out that the baby was Eustathius’, and demand the punishment of his misdeed. On these grounds they summoned the blessed Eustathius under the pretext that he give an explanation. He, relying on his own conscience (for when a man sees something he has not even entertained in his mind being woven into an accusation, he hastens without hesitation to disprove it), both appeared willingly and declared himself ready for the inquiry. They, on their side, brought forward the woman alone as both accuser and witness and demanded penalties from the saint. God’s servant, while smiling at their unlikely fiction, insisted on the necessity that witnesses for the accusation should appear. But as nobody appeared (nor was it possible to find witnesses of what had not happened), the “unbiased” judges put the prostitute to the oath, having long beforehand trained her to be ready for every transgression. And although divine law ordains that every word should be established before two or three witnesses,19 and the wondrous Paul cries out, “Receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses,”20 these men, having set at nought the divine words, after the harlot had sworn the false oath in the way they had taught her, drove the champion away from his flock, charging him in addition with Sabellianism. Having thus bereaved21 the Church of her own bridegroom, they condemned him to exile at Philippi in Thrace,22 although, even in distress, he slackened in no way in his fight for the true faith, and in edifying the body of the faithful by his actions and teaching.
When their fraud had thus progressed according to their wishes, and as, with time, these evil men gathered boldness as well as experience in accusations, shortly they revert again to the great Athanasius, and having contrived a multitude of calumnies against him, request the Emperor to put him to trial.23 The latter, judging others by his own character, and unable to disbelieve them since they were bishops (for, as I have said several times, they still concealed their heresy), and being besides somewhat incensed at Athanasius (for passions sometimes affect the best of men) because he absolutely refused to receive Arius, although the latter promised to repent24—for these reasons, at the insistence of the accusers, he ordered Athanasius to be tried on the charges at Antioch, entrusting the examination to his nephew Delmatius, who held the office of Censor.25 But, after a short time, Caesarea in Palestine was set as the second place of this trial, for it was decreed that the council should convene there. Knowing, however, that the Bishop of that city was an Arian (it was Eusebius, whom the Iconoclasts recognize as their father),26 Athanasius declined to appear.27 The council having dissolved with nothing accomplished, the same men forgathered again at Tyre, where they were joined by Eusebius of Nicomedia.28 For there was not one intrigue against the pious29 of which he was not the acknowledged leader, attracting to his side his namesake and fellow-thinker, and the latter’s entourage. So, when the council had assembled at Tyre, the followers of Eusebius heaped up a great mass of charges which they used as accusations against Athanasius. They also took into their pay a harlot from the stage and prevailed upon her to accuse him. As she was carrying on shamelessly and screaming aloud according to her promise, Timothy the presbyter, who was present along with the champion of piety, exposed the plot most deftly. For while the harlot was crying out that she had been robbed of her virginity by Athanasius, Timothy, simulating the role of Athanasius, inquired where and when he had known her. She on her side was fretting and calling it a terrible thing that, whereas her seducer ought to pay damages and take cover in silence, he, in his shamelessness, was both in charge of the trial and pretended ignorance; wherefore, pointing at him with her finger, the wretched woman asserted with oaths that verily he was her seducer, thinking Timothy to be Athanasius; for the invention of the plot having been elaborated only as far as the names went, the woman made it apparent that she knew the names but not the facts.30
So when this accusation was shattered to the disgrace of its joint inventors, they turn to another calumny; for wickedness is a shameless thing, and does not refrain from levelling at others31 even such charges as no one believes. For, having brought forward an embalmed hand in a wooden chest, they asserted it belonged to Arsenius, whom Athanasius had allegedly slain for purposes of sorcery. This Arsenius was a Meletian,32 and derived thence the rank of deacon. Arsenius having, however, by God’s providence, put in at Tyre (for he was being hidden by the Arians lest the plot be detected), it was reported to Athanasius that the “dead man” had arrived. Having chanced upon him, when the day appointed for the trial had come, he brought him in along with himself, all covered up, and enquired from those present if any had known Arsenius beforehand. When many said they knew the man, he uncovered him and proceeded to ask if that were he. Upon their agreeing (nor was it possible to deny what was there in front of everyone’s eyes), he showed the right hand, then the other, and said, “Here is the right hand, here too is the left, which we men, sprung from Adam, have received from the Creator of all, so let no one demand from me Arsenius’ third hand.”33
Thus the slanderers who had contrived abomination upon abomination for Athanasius were awarded shame upon shame by the incorruptible Tribunal itself, and by truth. But Oh, their impious and most shameless mind! What mean epithet is it not worthy to bear? For whereas they ought to have covered themselves up and bowed down to the ground and expiated their outrageous deeds with repentance alone, they attempted to call the disprover of their accusation and deception a sorcerer and a deceiver, and did not even refrain from condemning that irreproachable man, wherein34 lay also their most shameless deed, that they made Arsenius, who, they asserted, had been killed and had had a hand cut off by Athanasius, to sign the condemnation of Athanasius as Bishop of Hypselis;35 thus, ridiculous to say, the dead man was exacting a penalty from his murderer! Now Christ’s servant, after the disproof of their calumny, departed for Constantinople, fearing assassination; while they, even in his absence, condemned him by default. At Mareotis too (the village derives its name from the adjacent lake Maria) they gave judgment in default against him, charging him with breaking holy vessels, destroying an altar, burning books, and so on.36 When, however, the Emperor summoned them back, as a result of Athanasius’ arrival at the court and his petition that, upon the convocation of many bishops for this purpose, he should be able to receive justice from his slanderers in his own presence, and to prove himself innocent of their charges—when, therefore, the Emperor decided to recall them, the greater part, fearing the refutation of their plots, did not even choose to present themselves. But Eusebius and Theogonius37 and the rest of the Arian troop who relied more than the others on the insolence and extreme wickedness of their mind—these indeed presented themselves, and whereas they did not even mention the charges on which they had based their unjust verdict, they alleged that Athanasius had threatened to hinder the usual supply of corn that is conveyed from Alexandria to Constantinople. The followers of Eusebius, having divided themselves up into spokesmen of this accusation, judges and witnesses, contrived the banishment of Athanasius to Treveri in Gaul.38
When Constantine the Great had been perfected with holy baptism by the Orthodox in Bithynia (let heretics who are anxious to ennoble their impiety with lies be allowed to weave their heretical stories),39 and had departed to the better life, the Arians, rose to great intimacy with his son Constantius (for he was an unstable man and followed the leaders of their party), and having held up Paul the Confessor40 as an instigator of seditions and internecine murders, they banished him from his see, and transferred Eusebius of Nicomedia (who had been previously bishop of Berytus, and was now unlawfully changing his see for the third time) to Constantinople. So easy was everything for the Arians, and there was no offspring of their desire or anger that was not hatched and raised by their hands and increased to great evil.
I now intend to link up with the foregoing story an event that is closely related to it, though it took place in later times. Great disorder, as I have often said, having swept over all the churches of the East in the reign of Constantius, Constans, the emperor of the West, in partnership with his brother, assembled a council at Sardica, at which, in addition to other matters which will be expounded below,41 was carried out the acquittal of Athanasius. Constans conveyed the verdict of this council to his brother through the Bishops Euphratas and Vicentius, attaching to them the general Salianus, who, besides being an upright man, was also adorned with piety.42 Constantius was then residing at Antioch, and Antioch was held by Stephen, also an Arian, and appointed by the Arians to be head of that church, for which reason the council had passed condemnation on him.43 Salianus the general having taken up separate quarters, and the prelates being lodged together, the followers of Stephen, having taken into their company a woman who sold the disgrace of her body for a price, and told her that one of the guests just arrived had need of her to share in the nocturnal and furtive deed, persuaded her (she being quite ready) to visit his chamber; already one of the priests’ servants, having been bribed to help with their scheme, opened secretly the courtyard door and gave free access to the woman. So she entered and was about to approach Euphratas, for the other Bishop was resting in the inner room. The priest, however, having become aware of her entrance, asked the woman who she was and for what reason she was coming in. As she answered in her familiar female voice, Euphratas was seized by fear and astonishment, and was thinking that it was a demon tempting him in the semblance of a woman, at which point an ambush composed of fifteen men, following the leader of the plot, broke into the house, and were about to arrest both the woman and Euphratas, as having been apprehended in fornication. At the noise and uproar which naturally spread about, the other Bishop arose along with the servants who did not take part in the plot, and having closed the courtyard gate, they caught seven of the soldiers who were in the conspiracy, the leader of the deed having escaped. The latter was Onager, an associate of Stephen’s, who received his name from his occupation (for he was wont to inflict with his hands and feet unbearable wounds and blows on the pious).44 The apprehended persons having been kept under guard, as already the sun’s rays were giving faint traces of dawn, the Bishops brought the prisoners to the Emperor Constantius—Salianus45 joined them also—and they deplored the outrage, which they used as evidence of the rumours bruited about everywhere against the champions of piety, and asked for a just verdict to be passed. The Emperor, in deference to the men, and paying heed to the foulness of the deed, allowed an exact examination to be made and entrusted the inquiry to men skilled in such trials. They, having brought forward the woman, and cross-examined the prisoners, immediately disclosed the whole plot, and through Onager discovered Stephen to be the instigator of the entire misdeed. Wherefore Stephen was handed over to the bishops that were present, and for his unlawful attempts on others was deprived of his hieratic office and driven out of his see, having drawn upon himself by divine judgment condemnation for his plots against others.46 In Stephen’s place the Arians installed on the throne of Antioch a man no less, yea, even more diseased with Arianism, a certain eunuch Leontius.47
In this way is Euphratas entrapped by Stephen; in this way the divine Paul is driven out of Constantinople; in this way the wondrous Eustathius is expelled from Antioch, and is condemned to come from the East to the setting sun, and dwell in the city of the Illyrians. In this way the much-suffering Athanasius is banished from Alexandria. When these men were out of the way, which the heretics made their goal, impiety rose up to great license and power.
Why have slanders and calumnies against priests been the subject of my narrative? Why? That you may learn, beloved ones, and keep it in mind that to devise calumnies and weave deceits against Christ’s bishops is an invention of heretics, who have risen against the Son of God, our God, in drunken fury; that it is the outgrowth of men who have received in their souls so great a seed of impiety; that it is the foul deed of men who have hawked away our Christian faith; so that, when you see some of them making a show of their abuse of bishops and priests, you may remember their begetters and teachers, and recognize them for what they are, and of what stock they happen to be (for, “by their fruits,” the Lord’s saying proclaims, “ye shall know them”);48 that you may avoid the imitation of them whose impiety you have abominated, and lest, having severed intercourse with them but partially, you become accustomed to suck in little by little the rest of their irreverence. Is the shepherd a heretic? Then he is a wolf, and it will be needful to flee and leap away from him, and not be deceived into approaching him,49 even if he appears to be fawning gently. Avoid communion and intercourse with him as snake’s poison: for fish are caught with hook and bait, while an evil intercourse, which contains the poison of heresy concealed therein, has captured many of the more simple-minded who came close and expected to suffer no harm. Wherefore it is fitting to avoid such men with all our might. Is the shepherd orthodox, does he bear the seal of piety, does he have none of the heretical crew trailing after him? Then submit to him, since he presides in the likeness of Christ. Thou doest honour not to him, if thou doest it with all thy soul: Christ receives it. Do not meddle in other matters. God is their examiner; leave the judgment to Him. Do thou, however, show him obedience and a pure disposition in accordance with thy love of Christ. To others it is said, “Son of man, I have set thee as a watchman to the house of Israel”;50 to you it is said, “What the priests bid you observe, that observe, but do not ye do their works.”51 Oh, how sweet and pleasant is this saying to me, and so desirable, yet quite impossible for me now to observe! ’Tis not thy toil, He says, nor thy labour to meddle in and scrutinize the priest’s works; and do not thou do his works if they do not correspond to his words; but obey his teaching, and do not meddle in his conduct. Observe thyself, watch thyself. Leave the others to the Judge, and commit the care of them to their appointed shepherd.
Would that I were still in your position, would that I were enrolled, as formerly, in your ranks, that I should have no need to take account of the affairs of others, that no punishment should attend me, were I to overlook the shortcomings of my flock, that I should be allowed to look only after my own matters, and that cares of other men should not weigh down on me! That was malice indeed, and for me the worst and bitterest of malice, which snatched me away from that most pleasant, gentle and carefree life, in which I did not grieve any of my neighbours, was not required to be meddlesome towards anyone else, did not show myself severe to anyone. All was friendship and kindness, and my life was free of cares. Now, alas, the law of shepherds constrains me to grieve others, to show myself severe, to appear harsh, to judge on occasion, and to condemn—me who from the beginning have avoided this rank, and have consistently shown my aversion to it, although it did not prove possible to escape it, to have escaped which could be accounted as happiness.52
But if, O God’s people and beloved children in the Lord, you believe that you observe in me any such harshness, then, remembering the foregoing as well as my attitude, ascribe that to the necessity of tending my flock and to the rules of authority; or rather, if it ever occurs to any of you to accuse and disparage one of the shepherds, let him leave the others and keep his tongue from them, but let him be meddlesome at my expense and seek into my affairs. I shall not be vexed, you know well, nor will I be angered at the ridicule, nor imitate the irritation of God’s servant Elisha at the children.53 Only do you practise virtue in other respects, and cleave to piety, and be reverent towards the other bishops, and observe the customary honour for them. A father, too, gladly receives the children that abuse him, and he soothes his rightful anger with his paternal affection, and is appeased. For he knows that no matter how unruly the children are towards their father, they are gathered and joined to him again, and love him, and cling fondly to him, even if they are rebellious for a while.
I have, however, no charge against you who are present here,54 be it of sedition, or of insult, or abuse, or contriving a trap,55 or calumnies based on lies, or plots which disgust the senses even of my enemies, or any other monstrous and distressing thing, except that some perhaps, and those few in number, mutter under their breath, lest, perchance, through absolute tranquillity and lack of disturbance, I may slip into the fault of negligence and carelessness or of pride, whereof I pray to be delivered rather than of the unjust rebelliousness of those that disparage me. May our true God, the most holy deity of three persons and one nature, for your kindliness and love for me, adorn you with virtues, grant you a life without sorrows, prepare you a sorrowless existence in the other world, and bestow on you as well as on me His kingdom, through the intercessions of our Most-holy Lady, the Mother of God, and of all the saints. Amen.
Notes
- In the MSS the title is given as follows: τοῦ αὐτοῦ Φωτίου [Φωτίου τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου Hierosol. 1] ἀρχιεπισκόπου Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ὁμιλία λεχθεῖσα ἐν τῷ ἄμβωνι τῆς μεγάλης ἐκκλησίας.
- St. Alexander, Bishop of Byzantium and later of Constantinople from ca. 313 until his death ca. 336. More eminent for his virtue than for his learning, Alexander was an avowed adversary of Arius. When, in 336, Arius regained the Emperor’s favour, Alexander was directed to enter into communion with him or resign. He shut himself up in the church of Irene and prayed for several days and nights that the differences between Arius and himself should be resolved by the death of either one of them. Soon afterwards Arius died in a public lavatory as he was going out of the palace in great pomp. See Athanasius, Epist. ad Serapionem de morte Arii, PG 25, col. 688; Socrates, I. 37–38, PG 67, cols. 176–77; Sozomen, II. 29, PG 67, cols. 1017–20; Theodoret, I. 14, ed. Parmentier & Scheidweiler (1954), p. 57; Epiphanius, Adv. haer., LXIX. 10, PG 42, col. 217. A life of Alexander and his predecessor Metrophanes (of dubious historical value) is summarized in Photius’ Bibliotheca, cod. 256, pp. 469–74 in Bekker’s ed.
- Acts 1. 18. The same quotation is given in this connection by Athanasius, loc. cit., and Theodoret loc. cit.
- St. Peter, Archbishop of Alexandria, appointed in 300 and beheaded in 311 by order of Maximin Daza. It was he who ordained Arius deacon after the latter had abandoned the Meletian party; but when Peter excommunicated the followers of Meletius, Arius criticized him for his severity, for which he was expelled by Peter (Soz. I. 15, PG 67, cols. 904–5).
- Archbishop of Alexandria for a space of a few months (311–12 or 312–13). According to Sozomen (loc. cit.), one of our best sources for the beginnings of Arianism, Achillas restored Arius to the deaconship and even promoted him to the priesthood. Cf. the fragment of Ararsius in the Synodicon vetus (Fabricius — Harles, Bibl. graeca, XII, p. 369). It is to be noted that Photius is following another tradition, represented by Gelasius of Cyzicus (II. 1, ed. Loeschcke and Heinemann, Leipzig, 1918, p. 34), according to which it was Alexander who ordained Arius presbyter.
- St. Alexander, Archbishop of Alexandria (313–†328), at first had a high regard for Arius, who was then presbyter of the parish of Baucalis (Soz. I. 15, col. 905 A). When, however, Arius began to preach openly his heretical doctrine on the Son (ca. 319), Alexander was obliged to abandon his previous tolerance, and summoned a synod of one hundred Egyptian bishops who excommunicated Arius (ca. 321).
- This could not refer to the so-called “first Arian Creed,” i. e. the letter that Arius wrote to Alexander from Nicomedia (given by Athan., De Synodis XVI, PG 26, cols. 708–12), in which he denied, though in a spirit of moderation, the co-eternity of the Son; Photius’ βιβλίον μετανοίας ἐπιδιδούς seems to be a borrowing of Socrates’ βιβλίον μετανοίας δούς (I. 26, col. 149), and concerns the “second Arian Creed,” that evasive statement thanks to which Arius succeeded in satisfying Constantine, and was allowed to return to Alexandria. The date of Arius’ recall is usually placed ca. 330, while Sozomen (II. 27, cols. 1012–13) makes it contemporary with the Council of Jerusalem (335). In any case, Arius’ recantation seems to have taken place after Alexander’s death, and it was Athanasius, and not Alexander, who refused to admit him (Socr. I. 27, col. 152). The only serious evidence to the contrary is the famous letter of Eusebius and Theognis (re-instated in 328) begging for their recall on the grounds, amongst others, that Arius had already been pardoned (Socr. I. 14, col. 113; Soz. II. 16, col. 976). This letter, however, has been considered spurious by most historians since Tillemont. Photius is probably following the Life of Metrophanes and Alexander and the Life of Athanasius (Biblioth., cod. 256, pp. 472–3; cod. 258, p. 478), in both of which it is stated that Arius returned to Alexandria while Alexander was still Bishop.
- Reading ἡ τῆς συγγνώμης τάξις with Hierosol. 1: τέξασα A and B: ἡ τὴν συγγνώμην τάξασα Ar.
- Patriarch of Constantinople (806–815).
- John VII the Grammarian, Iconoclast Patriarch of Constantinople (837–843). See above, pp. 240 sq.
- See below, pp. 264–66.
- The ablest Church politician of his time, Eusebius was, first, Bishop of Berytus, from where he was promoted first to Nicomedia (in violation of the 15th Canon of Nicaea), and then to Constantinople (ca. 339–†342).
- After registering at first some opposition to the Nicene creed, Eusebius, along with most other Arianizers, subscribed to it for reasons of expediency or, as Philostorgius says, with a deliberate mental reservation (I. 9, ed. Bidez, p. 10). Eusebius was, however, banished three months after the Council (Nov., 325) for reasons which are not altogether clear, and replaced by one Amphion. In 328, thanks to the influence of the Princess Constantia, Eusebius and his friend Theognis of Nicaea were re-instated in their bishoprics after presenting some sort of recantation (see above, n. 7).
- Actually, Alexander died on April 17, 328, and was succeeded by Athanasius on June 8, 328. Theodoret (I. 26. 1) says that Alexander died five months after the Council. Theodoret may have been misled by a statement of Athanasius (Apol. c. Ar., § 59, PG 25, col. 357 A), where the period of five months refers apparently not to Alexander’s death, but to the renewal of Meletian troubles. Cf. A. Robertson, Athanasius (Nicene Library, IV, Oxford, 1892), pp. xxi, lxxxi, 131 n. 4. Epiphanius also (Haer. 69. 11, PG 42, col. 220) says that Alexander died “in the same year” as Arius was anathematized by the Council. It appears that the chronological confusion is related to the view that the Nicene Council stretched over three years (Biblioth., pp. 471–2).
- Athanasius was present at the Council of Nicaea not as a regular member, since he was only deacon, but in attendance on his Bishop; he took, however, according to Sozomen (I. 17), a prominent part in the discussion.
- The election of Athanasius was contested by the Arians and the Meletians, who put forward their own candidates, Achillas and Theonas respectively. The Arians later alleged that Athanasius had been clandestinely appointed by seven bishops (Athan., Apol. c. Ar., § 6, PG 25, cols. 257–60; Soz. II. 17); or, according to another version, that he forcibly compelled two bishops to consecrate him behind closed doors, and obtained the Emperor’s confirmation by representing his election as unanimous (Philost., II. 11). See discussion of sources by Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism2, p. 70, n. 2.
- Eustathius, Bishop first of Berrhoea, and then of Antioch (ca. 324–330), called “the Great” by Theodoret. He took a prominent part in the Council of Nicaea, where he may have delivered the inaugural address, and on his return to Antioch used energetic measures against the Arians, thus earning the enmity of the two Eusebii. Eusebius of Caesarea, in particular, accused him of Sabellianism (Socr. I. 23; Soz. II. 18). The deposition of Eustathius was engineered by Eusebius of Nicomedia who at that time visited in great pomp Constantine’s new buildings in the process of construction at Jerusalem. (the Church of the Calvary was dedicated in 335). On his way back from Jerusalem, Eusebius entered Antioch with a party of Arian bishops who constituted themselves into a tribunal and condemned Eustathius on charges of immorality. The Bishop’s deposition was accompanied by riots. Constantine, who received a biased version of the incident, had Eustathius banished to Thrace, where he died ca. 337. Photius takes the story of the trial from Theodoret I. 21. The accusation of Sabellianism at the trial is, on the other hand, mentioned only by Socr. I. 24, col. 144 B. See F. Cavallera, Le schisme d’Antioche, Paris, 1905, pp. 57–64; R. V. Sellers, Eustathius of Antioch, Cambridge, 1928, pp. 39–59.
- Reading ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ θεοῦ ἡμῶν ζωηφόρῳ τάφῳ with Hierosol. 1: ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ὀνόματι ἡμῶν ζωηφόρῳ τάφῳ A and B: Χριστοῦ καὶ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν ὀνόματι ἐπὶ τοῦ ζωηφόρου τάφου Ar.
- Deut. 19. 15.
- 1 Tim. 5. 19.
- Reading χηρώσαντες with all the MSS: χειρώσαντες Ar.
- Philippi is, of course, in Macedonia. Eustathius was probably exiled to Trajanopolis in Thrace (so Jerome, De viris illustr., 85), while St. John Chrysostom merely says it was in Thrace (PG 50, col. 600). Further down (p. 257) Photius refers to the place of exile as “the city of the Illyrians,” following Theodoret I. 22. 1. The tradition that Eustathius was banished to Philippi is found in Theod. Lector (PG 86, col. 184 B) and Theophanes (p. 133, De Boor). See Delehaye, “Saints de Thrace et de Mésie,” Analecta Bollandiana, XXXI (1912), p. 254; P. Lemerle, Philippes et la Macédoine orientale, Paris, 1945, p. 84 n. 1. The account of Eustathius illustrates very well Photius’ compilative method.
- The charges brought against Athanasius were, a) that he had imposed a special tax to provide linen vestments for the Church; b) that he had given a sum of gold to a rebel named Philumenus; c) that he had committed sacrilege in the Mareotis; and d) that he had murdered Arsenius, a Meletian bishop, and cut off his hand for purposes of magic. Photius’ account is here very succinct, and he does not mention the fact that Athanasius was summoned to Nicomedia, where he exculpated himself before the Emperor (331).
- Upon the recall of Arius (330?), Eusebius of Nicomedia wrote to Athanasius requesting him to admit Arius to communion. When Athanasius refused, another letter, this time from the Emperor himself, ordered him to admit into his Church all who should desire it. Athanasius, however, persisted in his refusal. Athan. Apol. c. Ar. § 59, PG 25, col. 357; Socr. I. 23; Soz. II. 18; II. 22.
- This enquiry was intended to investigate the case of Arsenius. Delmatius (who was really Constantine’s half-brother, and not his nephew, as stated by Socrates) requested Athanasius to prepare his defense. The latter organized a quest for Arsenius and, although unable to apprehend him, proved nevertheless that his supposed victim was still alive. Socr. I. 27; Athan. Apol. c. Ar. § 65, PG 25, col. 366.
- With especial reference to the famous letter that Eusebius wrote to the Princess Constantia. The latter has asked Eusebius to send her an image of Christ, which the Bishop refused to do, arguing that the Son’s glory could not be portrayed on a lifeless picture. This document was used at the Iconoclast Council of 754, and extracts from it have been preserved in the Acts of the Second Nicene Council of 787 (Mansi XIII, col. 313; a more extensive version was published by Boivin in his notes on Nicephorus Gregoras, II, pp. 1300–03 in the Bonn ed). In refuting the authority of Eusebius, the Iconodules were satisfied to show that he was an Arian heretic (Mansi XIII, cols. 176–77; 312 D; 313 D sq). See G. Florovsky, “Origen, Eusebius, and the Iconoclastic Controversy,” Church History, XIX (1950), pp. 77–96; M. V. Anastos, “The Argument for Iconoclasm as Presented by the Iconoclastic Council of 754,” Late Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of A. M. Friend, Jr., Princeton, 1955, pp. 183–84. For Eusebius’ unfavourable attitude to images, cf. also his comments on the Paneas statue, H.E. VII. 18. The Patriarch Nicephorus wrote a special Antirrheticus against Eusebius (Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense I, pp. 371–503). Cf. also his Apologeticus pro SS. imaginibus, PG 100, cols. 561–64.
- The Council of Caesarea (in Palestine) was held in 334. Athanasius was summoned to it, but refused to attend because he knew that Eusebius of Caesarea, who was probably the presiding bishop, was hostile to him (this reason is given by Soz. II. 25).
- The unseemly Council of Tyre (August 335) was intended to resolve ecclesiastical strife preparatory to the celebration of Constantine’s Tricennalia and the consecration of the Church of the Resurrection.
- Reading οὐ γὰρ ἦν εὐσεβούντων ἐπιβουλὴ with the MSS. For the use of ἐπιβουλή + gen. in a passive sense, cf. Stephanus, Thesaurus, s. v., quoting ἡ τοῦ Διὸς ἐπιβουλή (= “a plot against Zeus,” Justin Martyr). So also ἐπίβουλος + gen. Papadopoulos-Kerameus corrected εὐσεβούντων to ἀσεβούντων. Ar has οὗ γὰρ ἦν ἀσεβούντων ἐπιβουλή: Pg corrects οὐ to ποῦ.
- The charge of fornication is mentioned by Rufinus I. 17 (PL 21, col. 489), Soz. II. 25, Thdt. I. 30 (whom Photius follows) and in the Life of Athanasius (Biblioth., cod. 258, p. 480). It also appears in Philostorgius II. 11 with the roles reversed.
- Read καθ’ ἑτέρων εἰσάγειν with the MSS; ἐφ’ ἕτερα εἰσάγει Ar.
- The case of Arsenius was concocted some time before 333. Arsenius was Bishop of Hypsele in the Thebaid (the Synod. vetus, p. 372 calls him a deacon), and belonged to the Meletian party, i. e. the schismatic hierarchy ordained by Meletius of Lycopolis during and after the Great Persecution. Rufinus I. 17 and the Life of Athanasius (loc. cit.) call him a lector of the Church of Alexandria. The plot against Athanasius was developed by John Archaph, Bishop of Memphis and head of the Meletians. He bribed Arsenius to go into hiding, and then circulated the tale that Athanasius had murdered him and had cut off his hand for purposes of sorcery; in evidence whereof the Meletians exhibited an embalmed hand in a wooden box. When the charge came up before the Censor Delmatius (see above, n. 25), Athanasius sent a deacon in quest of Arsenius. The deacon succeeded in apprehending Pinnes, the superior of the monastery where Arsenius had been concealed, and on being interrogated Pinnes was forced to admit that Arsenius was still alive. The chronology of the ensuing events is uncertain. Arsenius went to Tyre, where he was accidentally discovered and identified by the local bishop. If the farcical scene at the Council is authentic, we must suppose that Arsenius came to Tyre shortly before or during the Council (out of curiosity?) as, in fact is stated by Socr. and Soz.; yet Athanasius (Apol. c. Ar. § 65, col. 365) implies that his flight to Tyre and discovery occurred ca. 333, in which case it is not at all clear how he could have remained at Tyre for two years without his exposure becoming known to the Meletians and Arians.
- In his account of this ludicrous scene Photius follows Thdt. I. 30. When Arsenius was produced with both his hands intact, the Eusebians accused Athanasius of magic. Socr. I. 29, 30 and Soz. II. 25 give somewhat different versions.
- Reading ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸ ἀναιδέστατου with Pg: ἐν ᾗ codd, Ar.
- ὑψίλεως Hierosol. 1: A and B read ὑψιπόλεως. The form Ὕψηλις for Ὑψήλη is attested (Steph. Byz., s. v.). The reading of AB is probably derived from Socr. I. 32: ὡς τῆς Ὑψηπολιτῶν πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος καθυπέγραψε. Arsenius was later reconciled to Athanasius and remained permanently in his communion.
- At Tyre the opponents of Athanasius revived the old charge of the broken chalice which had been investigated and dismissed by the emperor at Nicomedia (in 331). It was alleged that when Athanasius, soon after his election, was visiting the Mareotis, his deacon Macarius burst in on a certain Ischyras who was officiating at the time, broke the chalice and upset the holy table. This occurred allegedly in a hamlet called Secontarurus. Mareotis is not, of course, the name of the village, as would appear from Photius; while the etymological explanation is borrowed from Thdt. I. 30. 12. The notorious Mareotic commission was appointed in Sept., 335, and proceeded to make an investigation on the spot. It consisted exclusively of Arians, and came back with a falsified report. Meanwhile Athanasius had fled in a boat to Constantinople, so that judgment against him was pronounced in default. There seem to have been two verdicts: one after Athanasius’ departure, and the second after the return of the commission (Socr. I. 32). Photius is wrong in saying that judgment was given in the Mareotis: the misunderstanding may have arisen from Thdt., loc. cit.
- Bishop of Nicaea (his name appears indiscriminately as Theognis, Theognius and Theogonius), and one of the chief opponents of Athanasius. He was banished after the Nicene Council along with Eusebius of Nicomedia, and re-instated in 328. See above, n. 7.
- Arriving unexpectedly in Constantinople on October 29, 335, Athanasius intercepted the Emperor and requested him to summon the bishops back from Tyre and preside over the enquiry in person. Constantine’s summons overtook the bishops at Jerusalem, where, in conciliar session, they had just received Arius back into the Church. Only the leaders repaired to Constantinople and met in council early in 336. The old charges were dropped, and this time Athanasius was accused of hindering the importation of corn from Alexandria to Constantinople. Constantine, impatient of the proceedings, banished Athanasius, unheard, to Treveri. There Athanasius remained for nearly two years. See Athan. Apol. c. Ar., §§ 9, 86–7, PG 25, cols. 264–5, 401–5; Thdt. I. 31; Socr. I. 35; Soz. II. 28 says, on the contrary, that the accusation of the broken chalice was repeated at Constantinople.
- There can be little doubt that Constantine was baptized shortly before his death (May 22nd, 337) by the Arian Eusebius of Nicomedia (Jerome, Chron., a. 2353, ed. A. Schöne, Eusebii chronicorum libri duo, II, Berlin, 1866, p. 192; Chron. Pasch. p. 532, Bonn). In asserting that Constantine was baptized by the Orthodox, Photius is probably following Gelasius of Cyzicus (Biblioth. cod. 88, ed. Bekker, p. 67), and certainly not the Silvester legend (found in Malalas, Bonn ed., p. 317; Theophanes, De Boor’s ed., pp. 17, 33). See F. J. Dölger, “Die Taufe Konstantins und ihre Probleme,” Römische Quartalschrift, Suppl. XIX (1913), pp. 377 sq. Note that in reviewing the Vita Constantini, Photius censures Eusebius for not specifying who baptized Constantine (Biblioth., cod. 127, p. 95b).
- Paul († ca. 351) was chosen by the Homoousians to succeed Alexander as bishop of Constantinople. His election incensed the Emperor Constantius, who had not been consulted, and in 338 or 339 Paul was deposed by a council and replaced by Eusebius of Nicomedia († 342). Athan., Hist. Ar., § 7, PG 25, col. 701; Socr. II. 7; Soz. III. 4; Life of St. Paul in Photius, Biblioth., cod. 257, p. 474.
- See below, pp. 268–70.
- Euphratas (or Euphrates), Bishop of Cologne (343–46); Vincent, Bishop of Capua (343–59), probably the same Vincent who had been Pope Silvester’s legate at the Council of Nicaea; Salianus (Flavius Salia), magister equitum, Consul ordinarius in 348, carried a forceful letter from Constans urging the re-instatement of Athanasius.
- Stephen, Bishop of Antioch (342–44), took part in the Council of Philippopolis (343), on which see below, pp. 269–70. He had formerly been expelled from the clergy by Eustathius.
- Onager means a wild ass.
- Σαλούστιος codd: corr. Ar.
- The account of this scandalous incident, which occurred in the spring of 344, is drawn from Thdt. II. 8. 54 — 10 (who gives the fullest story). See also Athan., Hist. Ar. § 20 PG 25, cols. 716–17.
- Leontius, a moderate Arianizer, bishop of Antioch from 344 to 358. He is chiefly remembered for muttering inaudibly the controversial part of the doxology, and coming out strong with “World without end. Amen.” Early in his career Leontius had mutilated himself in order to live without reproach in the same house as the virgin Eustolium, and been expelled from the clergy by Eustathius. A moderate and astute man, Leontius has been denigrated by Athanasius in the Apologia de fuga (which answers the charge of cowardice made against him by Leontius). See Dict. of Christ. Biogr., III, p. 688.
- Mt 7. 16.
- Reading ἀπατηθῆναι προσελθεῖν with the MSS: ἀπατηθῆναι καὶ προσελθεῖν Ar.
- Ez. 33. 7.
- Mt 23. 3.
- A similar passage in Photius’ letter to Pope Nicholas I, written in 861. See above, p. 20.
- 4 Kings 2. 23–24.
- Read τῶν παρόντων ὑμῶν οὐδέν [οὐδένα Ar] ... ἐγκαλεῖν ἔχω.
- Read λόχον συσκευαζόμενον with all the MSS: λόγον συσκευαζόμενον Ar.